Jumat, 16 Oktober 2015

TAN MALAKA LKHS

TAN MALAKA adalah salah satu proker divisi pengkaderan terkait Training Anggota dan Malam Keakraban LKHS yang telah terlaksana tanggal 19 sampai 20 September 2015 di salah satu villa di daerah Baturaden.

Pada awal acara kami melakukan pembukaan dengan beberapa materi dan mengaplikasikannya melalui games-games yang berkaitan dengan materi tersebut. Materi-materi yang diberikan antara lain;
1. Keorganisasian
2. Ke-LKHS-an
3. Keilmiahan




Pada malam hari, kami menyentuh malam puncak acara pada tanggal 19 September 2015, yakni malam inagurasi. Dimana setiap kelompok menampilkan suatu pertunjukan kreasi masing-masing dari kelompok itu sambil menikmati dinginnya hawa di Baturaden, hangatnya api unggun dan sambil menyantap jagung bakar.





Esok paginya kami menyelenggarakan acara pos to pos dari setiap divisi ke divisi lainnya hingga ke DPL (Dewan Pertimbangan Lembaga). Dalam kegiatan pos to pos, setiap divisi melakukan kegiatan sharing-sharing atau materi ringan terkait LKHS. Seperti yang dilakukan oleh divisi Pengkaderan disamping, divisi pengkaderan ingin menumbuhkan kekompakan, keserasian, baiknya koordinasi dan kerjasama yang baik melalui games seperti yang terlihat pada gambar.



Begitu juga seperti yang terlihat pada gambar disamping, divisi diskusi ingin setiap kelompok bekerja sama dengan baik agar melewati rintangan yang telah di buat dalam games divisi diskusi.





Divisi Penelitian memberikan games terkait menganalisis kasus pembunuhan, dimana para peserta harus menemukan siapa pembunuh dalam kasus pembunuhan tersebut.








Pada puncak acara, ada pemberian penghargaan kepada para peserta yang paling aktif dalam acara tersebut, yakni Yuniar dan Siwi.

Dan juga pemberian penghargaan kepada kelompok terbaik dalam acara TAN MALAKA 2015 yang kemarin telah terlaksana.
Setelah pemberian penghargaan kepada peserta terbaik, kelompok terbaik, dan panitia terbaik, dilaksanakan pelantikan anggota LKHS 2015.





 
 TAN MALAKA LKHS 2015

KONFLIK AGRARIA, KAPAN USAI?


KONFLIK AGRARIA, KAPAN USAI?
Oleh :



Ditengah karut-marutnya kondisi bangsa saat ini, kita dikejutkan dengan peristiwa yang sungguh miris. Salim Kancil, seorang petani kecil di Kabupaten Lumajang meninggal dibantai oleh sekelompok orang. Ia meninggal ditengah perjuangannya menyuarakan penolakan terhadap penambangan pasir besi ilegal di desa Selok Awar-Awar yang mencemari lingkungan, termasuk lahan dari para petani. Ia dibunuh oleh orang-orang yang pro terhadap penambangan tersebut. Ia dibunuh bak binatang, dipukul dengan batu, senjata tajam, disetrum, hingga digorok lehernya menggunakan gergaji. Hingga hari ini polisi telah menetapkan tersangka sebanyak 37 orang, termasuk di dalamnya juga ada aparat yang terlibat. Peristiwa yang dialami Salim Kancil hanya sebagian kecil dan ia hanya salah satu korban dari peristiwa besar yang telah berlangsung lama dan tak kunjung usai, yakni Konflik Agraria.
Selain kasus Salim Kancil sebenarnya  masih banyak kasus-kasus lain berkaitan dengan konflik agraria sebelum ini, seperti kekerasan terhadap ibu-ibu petani di Rembang, Kasus Mesuji, Bima hingga Dharmakradenan, Ajibarang dan masih banyak lagi konflik yang terjadi. Laporan kekerasan dan konflik agraria yang dikeluarkan Konsorsium Pembaruan Agraria (KPA) pada 2013 menyebut, terdapat 369 kasus konflik agraria di Indonesia.
Berbagai macam konflik agraria timbul sebagai akibat dari adanya ketimpangan penguasaan dan peruntukan, serta tumpang tindihnya berbagai regulasi terkait dengan sumber daya agraria. Padahal Pasal 33 ayat (2) dan (3) UUD 1945 mengamanatkan bahwa sumberdaya alam yang menguasai hajat hidup orang banyak dikuasai oleh negara dan digunakan untuk sebesar-besarnya kemakmuran rakyat. Namun yang terjadi sebaliknya, negara sebagai pihak yang bertanggung jawab untuk memberikan kemakmuran  kepada rakyatnya justru mengkhianati amanat konstitusi.
Negara melakukan perampasan tanah-tanah rakyat yang dilakukan dengan cara-cara represif dan digunakan bagi kepentingan pemilik kapital.


Perkembangan konflik agraria di Indonesia

Konflik agraria di Indonesia sebenarnya telah berlangsung lama bahkan sejak masa kolonialisme dan dalam perkembangannya semakin meluas ke seluruh penjuru tanah air. Pada masa kolonial konflik agraria bersumber dari penerapan Agrarische Wet pada tahun 1870 yang sangat merugikan bagi rakyat Indonesia. Namun setelah masa kemerdekaan Agrarische Wet dihapus dan diganti dengan UUPA pada tahun 1960. Bahkan rezim Soekarno telah mencanangkan program land reform atau reforma agraria melalui bagi rakyat Indonesia. Dalam perkembangannya program land reform belum berhasil dijalankan secara sempurna dan rezim Soekarno keburu digulingkan. Penggantinya, Pemerintahan Orde Baru justru melaksanakan kebijakan yang berkebalikan dengan apa yang dicanangkan oleh rezim Soekarno. Gagasan reforma agraria sama sekali tidak dilaksanakan di era Orde Baru. Kebijakan-kebijakan rezim Orde Baru di bidang agraria secara manipulatif telah menyalahgunakan aturan hukum yang tercantum dalam Pasal 33 UUD 1945, yang turunannya termuat dalam Pasal 1 UUPA, yaitu mengenai hak menguasai oleh negara. Dalam bagian penjelasan sangat jelas dinyatakan bahwa hak menguasai bukanlah hak memiliki melainkan hanya wewenang untuk mengatur. Oleh pemerintah orde baru kewenangan mengatur itu bukannya dimanfaatkan untuk sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat akan tetapi untuk “sejauh-jauhnya memfasilitasi modal asing”.
Disamping itu rezim Orde Baru juga memaknai secara keliru fungsi sosial atas tanah. Tanah-tanah rakyat dirampas dengan dalih akan digunakan untuk pembangunan kepentingan umum, namun yang terjadi justru untuk dijadikan pusat industri, jalan tol bandara dan fasilitas lain yang justru lebih condong kepada kepentingan pemilik modal. Setelah rezim Orde Baru runtuh pada tahun 1998, gagasan land reform kembali disuarakan, yang akhirnya melahirkan TAP MPR Nomor IX/MPR/2001 tentang Pembaruan Agraria dan Pengelolaan Sumber Daya Alam. Di era reformasi konflik agraria belum juga mereda dan justru terus meningkat setiap tahunnya. Selama SBY memimpin (2004-2013) terjadi sebanyak 987 kasus, 21 petani tewas, 30 orang tertembak 130 orang dianiaya dan 239 orang ditahan oleh aparat keamanan. Ini data yang berhasil dihimpun oleh KPA. Tentu masih ada kemungkinan masih banyak kasus yang belum dilaporkan.
Petani-petani di Indonesia harus rela tanah-tanahnya di rampas oleh negara demi kepentingan pemilik modal. Dan para petani yang hanya memegang cangkul harus menghadapi senjata laras panjang, inilah bentuk represifitas negara terhadap rakyatnya. Tidak hanya itu saja upaya untuk mencekik petani-petani miskin dilakukan dengan berbagai regulasi yang sama sekali tidak pro-rakyat seperti UU No. 7/2004 tentang Sumber Daya Air, UU No. 4/2009 tentang Minerba, UU No.25/ 2007 tentang Penanaman Modal, UU No. 2/2012 tentang Pengadaan Tanah Bagi Pembangunan Untuk Kepentingan Umum dan berbagai regulasi lainnya.
Bukti bahwa saat ini konflik agraria terus meningkat setiap tahunnya ada pada grafik dibawah ini :


Dari grafik diatas kita tentu melihat bahwa konflik agraria dari tahun ke tahun terus meningkat dan hari ini berpotensi untuk terus meningkat. Apalagi dengan orientasi kebijakan rezim Jokowi yang terus mengembangkan pembangunan infrastruktur. Potensi pembebasan lahan untuk pembangunan infrastruktur kemungkinan akan meningkat yang tentunya akan terus memperpanjang konflik agraria di Indonesia. Aliansi Gerakan Reforma Agraria (AGRA) mencatat, selama pemerintahan Jokowi-JK setidaknya 89 orang petani ditangkap dan 52 orang diantaranya dikriminalisasikan, 29 orang mengalami kekerasan dan 3 orang meninggal. Ini sebelum kasus Salim Kancil terjadi dan tidak termasuk kasus Kampung Pulo.

Kapan Usai?

Jawaban untuk pertanyaan diatas jelas sudah kita temukan, Reforma Agraria jawabannya. Konflik agraria akan usai jika telah dilaksanakan reforma agraria yang sejati. Namun untuk menyelesaikan konflik-konflik agraria dan melaksanakan reforma agraria di Indonesia agaknya merupakan sesuatu yang maha sulit. Kompleks, multidimensi serta lintas sektoral merupakan potret konflik agraria di Indonesia.
Upaya untuk mewujudkan reforma agraria pernah dilakukan di rezim SBY. Pada tanggal 31 Januari 2007 Presiden SBY berencana memulai pelaksanaan reformasi agraria dengan prinsip tanah untuk keadilan dan kesejahteraan rakyat. Sebelumnya pada 28 September 2006 SBY memanggil Menteri Kehutanan, Menteri Pertanian dan Kepala Badan Pertanahan Nasional RI untuk menetapkan 18,5 juta hektar hutan produksi konversi dialokasikan bagi program reformasi agraria untuk mengatasi kemiskinan dan pengangguran. Namun hal ini tidak trealisasi secara maksimal. Dari 4,8 juta hektar tanah terlantar yang terindikasi oleh BPN RI baru 37.223 hektar yang ditetapkan sebagai tanah terlantar dan parahnya lagi, tanah terlantar yang ditetapkan ini belum sempat diredistribusikan kepada masyarakat. Petani pun kecewa.
Rezim Jokowi-JK pun tak ketinggalan. Jokowi berencana membagikan 9 juta hektar lahan pertanian untuk dibagikan kepada masyarakat. Menteri Kehutanan dan Lingkungan Hidup mengatakan Jokowi menginstruksikan reformasi agraria melalui redistribusi lahan pertanian tersebut mengingat penguasaan lahan Indonesia hanya sekitar 0,8 hektar lahan per orang. Nampaknya ini hanya sekedar wacana karena yang terjadi justru sebaliknya, perampasan tanah-tanah rakyat terus dilakukan oleh rezim Jokowi-JK, kasus Kampung Pulo merupakan contoh konkret.
Berkaca dari hal tersebut kita tentu dapat menarik kesimpulan bahwa di setiap rezim pemerintahan selalu diwacanakan mengenai reforma agraria, namun tidak pernah diimplementasikan sehingga konflik-konflik agraria tetap membara hingga kini. Kita juga kemudian dapat berkesimpulan bahwa negara sejatinya tidak menginginkan terwujudnya reforma agraria. Oleh karena itu sudah saatnya petani-petani di Indonesia harus dikonsolidasi untuk melakukan gerakan-gerakan massa, dan melakukan tuntutan-tuntutan kepada negara sehingga reforma agraria yang sejati akan terwujud, cepat atau lambat.

Selasa, 06 Oktober 2015

The fifth amendment of Indonesia’s constitution: Regarding to governance system

BY : Angga Afriansha A.R


Abstract.
Discourse about the fifth amendment of Indonesia constitution has been brought to public. Regardless since July 2007, According to survey from LSI that 73, 4% Indonesian people agreed to change the constitution, but still the government will not respond it until recently. There are several reasons which made the government propose and agree to amend it. First, to balance the power and authority between two state organ, DPR (house of representative) and DPD (house of senate). Second, to establish a new governing system, because under the fourth amendment, there is no political stability between executive and legislative or so-called legislative heavy. Furthermore, under the presidential system and parliamentary system Indonesia still cannot reach the prosperity. From this paradigm, and concerning about the uniqueness of Indonesia this research want to propose the most appropriate system used in Indonesia. The system will be constructed using philosophical approach and comparative approach to compare parliamentary and presidential system. Therefore, the result will be one comprehensive governing system that can use to gain prosperity of Indonesia.

Key Words: Governing system, Presidential System, amendment

Introduction
After 66 years of Indonesian Independent’s day and establishment of its political system there are two kinds governance system or types of democratic regime that have been implement, it is presidential and parliamentary. From the historical perspective, the presidential system has been using since 1945, despite that in 1949 Indonesia switched to parliamentary system but there is fact that no one can’t argue, which is ‘till now Indonesia still searching for the most appropriate political system. After the fall of Soeharto regime in 1998, the need for amendment also rises and there is fourth amendment of Indonesia’s constitution. Although constitution was amending for the fourth times, still the constitution needed to change because the constitution still consider as a crude constitution, which is has many flaws. As a living and working constitution, Indonesian constititution (UUD 1945) stand as a state fundamental norm, which is derived from the basic ideology of Indonesia.
As we speak about ideology, it comes to term, which means the system of value. Soekarno and other founding parents of Indonesia formulated Pancasila as ideology of Indonesia. It served as a basic norm of Indonesia’s legal system. From this paradigm, the system of governance, democracy and relations between authority, state organs were made by the value of Pancasila.
In 1949, Indonesia use parliamentary system, which decided after the Conference between Indonesia and Dutch (Round Table Conference). As part of the agreement between Dutch-Indonesia, The Kingdom of the Netherlands unconditionally and irrevocably transfers complete sovereignty over Indonesia to the Republic of the United States of Indonesia, and thus recognizes the Republic of the United States of Indonesia as an independent and sovereign Nation. From the day the Round Table Agreement (from August 23 – November 2, 1949) was signed by the delegation between two countries, Indonesia officially became Republic Of The United States Of Indonesia. Constitution of the Republic Of The United States Of Indonesia (Konstitusi RIS) mandated the use of parliamentary system and Indonesia stand as federal country. According to this constitution, the president cannot be bothered or inviolable—on the other hands—the ministers that represent by prime minister responsible for the policies to run the government. The era of United States of Indonesia under the RIS constititution was substituted by 1950 constitution (UUDS 1950), still the democratic system use parliamentary but the country is no longer federal, and it is unitary country. The flaws of parliamentary—although it was said as more stable system—were really exposed in 1949 to 1959. That era stated by Mahfud (2009) as era of liberalism rise the political instability, this conclusion was made because under the era of liberalism (1949 to 1959) averaged cabinet’s age no more than 15 month. Rise and fall of executive was not unusual thing, it was like yearly routine, however still there were several cabinets that could stand for more than 2 years (Mahfud,2009).
Soekarno, as the president of Indonesia on fifth of July 1959 issued the decree of president, which contained an order to reimplement the first constitution (UUD 1945). Therefore, the decree of president marked the changes of era from liberalism to authoritarian regime under the vision of Soekarno that called the era of guided democracy.
Soekarno became an authoritarian ruler in Indonesia with some reason. First, unsatisfied
feeling about the result of Indonesia governing system since 1945. Second, failure for bringing prosperity for the whole of people in Indonesia caused by lack of nationalism, which means democratic liberalism, was not quite fitted to implement in Indonesia. Third, as a correcting condition, Indonesia has to be back to its line and goal, which has been established since the beginning of its independent day. In the era of guided democracy, there were three major power, President, Army, and Indonesia Communist Party (PKI) but the most powerful was President supported by the minority power, legislative, and people’s consultative assembly. Paradigm that Soekarno tried to build was Indonesia need a revolutionary step of its democratic system and Soekarno stand as its leader. In the era of guided democracy there was no certainty of its democratic system, is it presidential or parliamentary? There was no legal explanation, it all caused by authoritarian ruled by Soekarno.
The fall of Soekarno happened in 1966, followed the uprising in 30 September known as September 30th movement. The uprising forced Soekarno gave order to Soeharto took any necessary movement to maintain the unity of Indonesia, and then Soeharto strips Soekarno from its authority. The beginning of new order started from the day that Soeharto ordered by Soekarno with SUPERSEMAR (warrant from Soekarno to Soeharto, signed on 11 March 1966).
In Soeharto era (new order), Pancasila was used as a tool of propaganda, as a political manifest. Different opinion, different perspective from this regime labelled as a criminal, the one who tried to destroy stability. Therefore, under the new order, Pancasila stand as political religion. The new order placed Soeharto in possession of great power thanks to the constitution (UUD 1945 before amendment). Executive power also legislative power placed in one hand. The concepts of governance system in this era known as quasi presidential. It contains the characteristic of presidential system also contain the characteristic of parliamentary system. According to article 4 and 17 of Indonesian constitution before amendment, president hold authority to manage the government thus also formulating the cabinet whose chosen by president, it is one of the characteristic of presidential system, but on the other hand, president gave his responsibility to people’s consultative assembly (MPR).
While being unclearly of its democratic system, Soeharto as a ruler of new order manage to maintain his authority ‘till 32 years thanks to the support of the army. After Soeharto resignation (1998), the corrupt authoritarian regime fall and the will to create government that is more democratic arise. In order to construct democratic system, the people agreed to amend the constitution, partial amendment been done by the people’s consultative assembly and as a result the amendment of constitution have been amend ‘tilll the fourth times. The citizen of Indonesia still didn’t satisfied enough with the result from implementing the constitution, proved by survey from LSI (Indonesia Survey Organization) that 73.4% respondent agreed to amended the constitution in order to balance the power of DPD (house of lords) and DPR (house of representatives). The newest survey done by Kompas showed that Indonesian’s people felt unsatisfied about what government has done (Kompas, October 10, 2011). Constitutional expert seeing this unsatisfied feeling produced by the system that jailed the ruler (executive) in one big authority prison. The presidential system under the fourth amendment constitution made the executive weaker than legislative (Janedri, 2009; Burhanuddin, 2009). For this reason, executive propose the Fifth Amendment.
Academic research for the fifth amendment of Indonesia constitution citate that presidential system combine with multiparty system make democracy become unstable and moreover rips the power of executive. Although the president voted by majority, still legislative under the same voting system manage to affect president and his policies. This situation that represent condition of Indonesia in general term is good enough to show a drama of democracy, but competition between this two wasn’t successful enough giving prosperity for the people (81.8% respondent of Survey from Kompas unsatisfied with the government effort to gain prosperity).

Indonesia and Democracy: After the Fourth Amendment
Santos (1995) explained that the paradigm of modernity based on two pillars, which are
the pillars of regulation, and the pillars of emancipation. Each of them constituted of three principles or logic. The pillars of regulation is constituted by the principle of state, formulated most prominently by Hobbes, the principle of the market, developed by Locke and Adam Smith in particular, and the principle of the community, which presides over Rousseau’s social and political theory. The principle of the state consists in the vertical political obligation between citizens and state. The principle of the market consists in the horizontal self interested or antagonistic political obligation among market partners. The principle of community consists in the horizontal, solidary, political obligation among community member and associations. The pillars of emancipation is constituted by three logics of rationality as identified by Weber; the aesthetic-expressive rationality of art and literature, the cognitive-instrumental rationality of science and technology, the moral practical of ethics and rule of law (Santos, 1995). Derived from the paradigm of modernity, which is one of them based on the pillars of regulation—which contain the principle of state (political obligation between citizens and state)—the basic idea “why we need state or country?” is to ensure the prosperity and safety of its citizens. This basic idea usually found in the country constitution that describe the goal or vision from one country, but it is not always true because some countries did not have written constitution.
For Indonesia, which is use written constitution as its fundamental norm, constitution stand as a norm that must not be violated; it was not because the sanction or punishment, it is because constitution also stands as a state paradigm. There are two main idea that proving Indonesia constitution stand as a state paradigm; first, the constitution consist of fully integrated regulations derived from Pancasila (state ideology); second, the constitution even though been amend for the fourth times still there are few things that can’t be change which are “The Preamble” and article that contain the principle of unity and the assertion of state that is republic of Indonesia. Several reasons that Indonesia using the principle of unity cause by historical similarity of fate between one and other native (tribe).
Recognition of Pluralism has been made since the very first day of Indonesia Independent. As the uniqueness character of Indonesia, which is different from other countryies, recognition of pluralism can be seen in “Bhineka Tunggal Ika” which means “unity in diversity”.
As mentioned before, political obligation between state and country means to ensure prosperity of people, government as state representative responsible for the safety of people. For that task, needs for governance system became clear. However, as Lord Acton said “power tend to corrupt but absolute power corrupt absolutely” so the idea for
distributing or separating power or authority became the main idea of state democratic system. Distribution of power or separation of power make birth of executive, legislative and judicative power. To fill the chair of authority (executive, legislative, and judicative) is required certain method, namely the election. Indonesia with its direct election models use to choose president and vice president, and legislative. As for Indonesia democratic system, which is presidential, combine with multy party system, there are no political stability because of conflict between president and parliament. This condition happened because president did not support by the parliament even though he came from the winning party. The conflict between president and parliament given birth to a condition that known as ‘the twin sun’, with president and parliament has the same legality power (as a result from direct election). Two authority stands together as a rival instead of partner, producing political instability even though economic grow shown a positive result. The political instability became worse as president have to maintain coalition between parties in order to stabilize its government. As the coalition constructed, the non-coalition parties also constructed opposition power. It goes over and over, resulted in chaos government, president kept busy with same problems, not to mention he have a job to bring prosperity
According to data from Indonesia Statistic Centre (Badan Pusat Statistik), economic growth in Indonesia showed a positive result. GDP (Gross National Product) in 2010 increasing 6.1% compare than 2009 (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2011). From the data, we can conclude that the prosperity of Indonesia shown significant growth, prosperous society. However, there are two point that forgotten by the government. First, economic growth did not reach all of the people, still only rich people enjoyed it. Second, economic growth must be seen from the real income of its citizen. Cheap labour, and poverty still stand as the main issue that have to solve by the government, not to mentioning corruption. There still so many homework to do for Indonesia, in order to fix this matter, the government should wake and descent from their tower. Democracy that being used right now, still cannot answer the question and solving the problems from the day that Indonesia claim it is independent.
Although, there are no more suppress comes from government, democracy cannot interpreted as total freedom. It is no longer democracy—after the fourth amendment—it is democrazy, longing for total freedom that leads Indonesia into chaos. Pancasila that stand as a state ideology, as a state philosophy no longer ignored. Lost its identity that is
Indonesia after 1998 reform until now. The form of democracy in Indonesia stands absurd, not an American model, not an Australian model, and not reflects the national identity (derived from Pancasila). Even though we should commit that Indonesia are unique nation. As a unique nation, Indonesia should construct its own governance system or political correct words its democratic system.
Indonesia admitted using a presidential system (after the fourth amendment) which can seen in its constitution, specifically in articles 4-6, 6A, 7A-C, 8-16 which contain characteristic of presidential system, namely:
1. President separated from legislative;
2. The president serves as head of government and head of state;
3. The president can’t suspend or dissolve the house of representative;
4. The president’s relatively fixed term in office;
Presidential system in Indonesia combine with multy party system, it proves not produce a stable government. The result are inadequate, Yudhoyono (the president of Indonesia), cannot move freely, held hostages by political parties. For that reason, the needs for institutional redesign became clear.

Presidential and Parliamentary: The Flaws
There are two experts in presidential and parliamentary system with different point of view; it is Juan Linz and Scott Mainwaring. Linz (1990) concluded that presidential system have several perils namely; president compete with legislature over democratic legitimacy; fixed term created rigid position, no way to break deadlock; interaction between president legislature resulted in zero sum game; president and legislature may become intolerant that created conflict which is always possible and at times may erupt dramatically (Linz, 1990). Different point of view came from Mainwaring, although Mainwaring seem to agreed with Linz arguments about the perils of presidentialism, still he argues that a great deal rests on what kind of parliamentarism and what kind of presidentialism are implemented (Mainwaring and Shugart, 1993).
Furthermore, Linz told in presidentialism the president and assembly has competing claims to legitimacy. Both powers are popularly elected, and the origin and survival of  each is independent from the other. Second, the fixed term of the president’s office introduces rigidity that is less favourable to democracy than the flexibility offered by parliamentary system, where governments are not elected for a fixed term of office but rather depend on the ongoing confidence of the assembly. Third, Linz argues that presidentialism has a winner takes all logic that is unfavourable to democratic stability. In parliamentary system, “power sharing and coalition forming are fairly common, and incumbents are accordingly attentive to the demands and interest of even the smaller parties”. Fourth, Linz(1990) argues that the “style of presidential politics” is less propitious for democracy than the style of parliamentary politics.
The question is, what is the main idea of presidentialism and parliamentary? Presidential, just like parliamentary was meant to established democracy. The main idea of presidentialism is to construct not the elected king, but rather constructing more stable governments. In order to gain this state, president and legislator have to get voter
legitimacy came from people. Instability, and uncertainty deadlock which is often found in presidential system is not a fact of the perils of presidentialism like Linz said. Rather than that, it is nearly an effect of authority egoistic regarding their policies in the name of the people. Since the beginning countries choose their democratic system, there has always been a gap between the ideal form and practical need for the system. Presidentialism ideal form was meant to create one system under the unity circumstances, not diversity. Under one ideology not different ideology, but in the practical form it turns into a total disaster if president act as an elected king. Moral principle of country leaders also considerable as a reason to choose president and legislator. Regarding the fixed term of the president’s office introduces the rigidity, it is not always bad. As we saw it right through the main idea of presidentialism, unlikely the parliamentary, rigidity needed to maintain balances of power in some country. As I see it, rigidity needed to diffuse the political influence. Creating president heavy nor legislative heavy, neither check nor balances mechanism need to include in presidential system. The flaws of presidentialism depends on the characteristic of its government, but not trying to denied the fact that parliamentary system are more democratic than presidentialism, from historical perspective, parliamentary survive long enough than presidential. Concerning winner takes all logics, presidentialism was not meant to be like that, and not all of us should forget that in democratic country, press is one of the four pillars of democracy. People maintaining control from press can be resulted in different logic than winner takes all. It is ideal that the people watch over the government throughout the press. The president, also legislator cannot make unpopular policies under these circumstances. As a pressure from people is more favourable than the house of representative. However, still the most important thing in presidentialism is moral principle.
Parliamentary, even though more democratic than presidentialism also have a flaws. The first flaw is that parliamentary cannot survive in uncertain condition, such as Indonesia in 1949 (transition period). The second flaw is that parliamentary did not fit in heterogenic society. That argument based on the fact that parliamentary produces more unstable state than presidential. The instability state happened because there are no same point of view other than ideology itself resulted in rise and fall of cabinets. Still, as if Mainwaring said, presidential and parliamentary always depends on what kind of parliamentarism and what kind of presidentialism are implemented.

Indonesia Governance System.
The ideal form of governance system always based on the state ideology, as for Indonesia it is Pancasila. The most significant principle is containing in the number fourth principle of Pancasila, it is “democracy led by the wisdoms of deliberations amongst representatives”. Most important thing from that principle is that democracy made from representative point. I will explain latter on. Before, I will explain the philosophy approach of the governance system, in order to explain, I will begin from the question, why we need state or country. Supporting Thomas Hobbes that claim human are no less than a wolf with a mind, the need for power to control the lust of superiority between one and another becoming clear. In order to avoid total war “Bellum Omnium Contra Omness”, state was established. Therefore, the main idea why we need country is to balance the interest between people. In such condition, people need leaders, so their agreed with each other has to choose among themselves a leader. The traditional way to choose a leader is appointing between them, but in modern way, it become an election. Direct election to choose their leader, but because these circumstances often produce totalitarian regime, the people realize that they have to appoint other people to represent them as a balancing power. Like Montesquieu who sought the concept of separation of power between executive, legislative, and judicative, in modern world the separation of power needed to avoid abuses of power. In Indonesia, executive is president, legislative is house of representative, and judicative is supreme of court and constitutional court. The relation between president and legislative all this time based on presidential system. Because of that, Indonesia as we seen was the same as other country that use presidential system. We cannot see the uniqueness of Indonesia democratic system although the country has different culture than other. In Indonesia, also there is customary law as the most original law, with certain models depends on the native. Soekarno, and all founding parents of Indonesia extracting the same ideal value from different customary law. It is Pancasila as the true ideology of Indonesia.
Pancasila reflecting the diversity of Indonesia people, it reflecting that there are different value between one and another; it is seen in the third principle of Pancasila (unity of Indonesia). For the democratic system, it is reflecting from the fourth principle of Pancasila. Interpretation or the art of interpretation something are influencing by someone perspective, rather than experience. In my interpretation, Indonesia from the perspective of Pancasila was meant to be indirect democracy, it is representative by superior organs named People’s Consultative Assembly, like it or not it is the truth. Nevertheless, why Indonesia founding parents formulate that? It is because the diversity. The value of Pancasila is to the faith to human itself. Rather than that, president as a people choice have legitimacy, because the Assembly choose him. It is therefore, the president or I have to say cabinet still can’t be impeach by the Assembly by any reason other than the president committed a crime. It was resulted not a parliamentary or presidential. We must see that as a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential system. This hybrid must derive to implementation fase. The logic that I tried to built is that People’s consultative Assembly deny their own decision if they decided to impeach the president by political means. Placing the president as a pure executive and legislator as pure legislative will be the best decision. The president still have right to determine the policy, and still have prerogative right but in the meantime president have a right to introduce legislation to parliament. It is not an executive heavy, it rather balance government. To control this type of democratic system, there is also need for legal aspect to participate in to watch over the government. It is sustainable that cabinet is pure responsible to the president, and the president (with vice president) responsible to all the Indonesian, represent by People’s Consultative Assembly. As for the uniqueness, local governments should be empowered using the provincial federation concept. Indonesia has to establish the provincial federation, which means, the governor has an authority to control his region and therefore the province must share its revenue to central government. In addition, central government shares the revenue to another province that needs more income. Boosting the prosperity of Indonesia is another matter that must not forget. In order to do that, to achieve total prosperity (justice and civilized country), Indonesia have to construct the economic growth without depends on investment, but not anti-investment. The government should stabilize its government, and then give more secure feeling to citizen. Then the government must rise up local entrepreneurship. Education is important too. It is nearly impossible to create prosperous society without relying on education. Economic growth, prosperity, and good education are the goal that needs to achieve. Other idea that came directly from the Fifth Amendment concepts has the same concepts as the fourth amendment that is direct democracy. The president chosen directly by the people, and in this direct election, constitution recognize individual candidates as president candidates. Presidential system in the Fifth Amendment manuscript put the president with the same authority, with same legitimacy. As if not learn from experience, the presidential system such as this will produces same condition like today onward except Indonesia change its democratic system.

Conclusions
The presidential system, also parliamentary system although with its own flaws or perils will produce good system if this two system collaborate with each other under the ideology of Pancasila and used in Indonesia. The hybrid of presidentialism and parliamentarism will produce pure executive and without fail, there have to be judicative authority to control it. Furthermore, modifying local government will be the best move to maintain and achieving prosperity. The modification of local government will be constructed into provincial federation. The goal of this governance system is to produce economic growth, prosperity, and good education system.

References
Mahfud M.M.D. 2009. Politik Hukum di Indonesia, Rajawali Pers, Jakarta, Indonesia.
Janedri M.G. 2009. Mempertegas Sistem Presidensian. Harian Seputar Indonesia, 14 Juli 2009.
Burhanuddin M. 2009. Sistem Presidensial Setengah Hati. http://www.setneg.go.id/index2.php?option=com_content&do_pdf=1&id=3916
Santos B. D. S. 1995. Toward A New Common Sense : Law, Science And Politics In The Paradigmatic Transition, Routledge, New York, USA.
Linz J. 1990. The Perils Of Presidentialism. http://www1.american.edu/ia/cdem/pdfs/linz_perils_presidencialism.pdf
Mainwaring S. and Shugart M. 1993. Juan Linz, Presidentialism And Democracy : A Critical Appraisal. http://nd.edu/~kellogg/publications/workingpapers/WPS/200.pdf
Badan Pusat Statistik. 2011. Berita Resmi Statistik No.12/02/Th.XIV, 7 Februari 2011.
http://dds.bps.go.id/eng/brs_file/pdb_banner.pdf
Harian Kompas (Kompas Daily News). Jajak Pendapat Kompas : Tersandera Sikap Politikus-Birokrat. October 10, 2011.
 

Sabtu, 12 September 2015

DIOBRAS I

Hallo Blogger Indonesia, khususnya Mahasiswa Fakultas Hukum Universitas Jendral Soedirman!
Tepat satu minggu yang lalu LKHS telah mengadakan DIOBRAS (Diskusi dan Obrolan Santai) LKHS yang pertama, dengan tema Bedah Film "The Law Abiding Citizen" yang diselenggarakan oleh Divisi Diskusi dan Pembicaranya adalah Rifqi Prasetyo. Untuk mengetahui review film The Law Abiding Citizen, kawan-kawan semua bisa lihat disini. :)

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DIOBRAS I
BEDAH FILM “LAW ABIDING CITIZEN”
Divisi Diskusi

Salam ilmiah! Film yang berlatar belakang di negara Amerika Serikat ini merupakan sebuah kritik terhadap sistem hukum negara super power itu dengan mengangkat “bargaining system” dan “justice collabolator”. Rifqi sebagai pembicara dalam bedah film “Law Abiding Citizen” ini menanyakan, “bagaimana jadinya ketika dua sistem itu dilakukan di Indonesia?”. Hal itu mendapat banyak sekali sambutan, dan salah seorang peserta diskusi yaitu Bangkit yang notabene adalah DPL LKHS bahwa hal tentang justice collabolator menjadi ramai diperbincangkan setelah setahun keluarnya undang-undang perlindungan saksi dan korban. Hal itu belum banyak diterapkan di Indonesia karena perlindungan terhadap saksi itu masih cenderung lemah, begitu pula mengenai kontra prestasi yang diberikan
            Adapula salah satu peserta diskusi mengamati dari segi film, ada sebuah kejanggalan menurutnya, “di penjara terutama ruang isolasi seharusnya ada CCTV atau kamera untuk mengawasi kegiatan apa saja yang dilakukan oleh nara pidana, kenapa itu tidak?” tanya Titah yang merupakan mahasiswa baru 2015. Jawaban dari hal itu langsung diberikan oleh Rifqi bahwasannya CCTV itu hanya ada di lorong penjara, sedangkan di dalam ruang penjara tidak ada CCTV. Mungkin hal itu juga perlu dibenahi bahwa dalam ruang penjara juga sebenarnya butuh CCTV agar tidak adanya penyimpangan lain yang dilakukan oleh nara pidana.
            Kembali ke bargaining sisstem yang artinya adalah proses tawar menawar dalam hukum, yang mana dalam film ini dilakukan oleh Darby dan Rise. Dari hal tersebut ada yang ingin menanggapi, yaitu oleh Ajeng “itu pelaku ada Darby sebagai pelaku utama (dader) dan ada Ames sebagai pembantu (medepleger), kenapa si Ames tidak melakukan tawar menawar dengan Rise juga?”. Hal itu langsung ditanggapi oleh Rifqi dengan asumsi dia bahwa itu didukung oleh faktor psikis dari si Ames. Ames yang merasa hanya melakukan pencurian, berbeda dengan Darby yang secara sadar telah melakukan pembunuhan, pencurian dsb dia lebih memilik untuk menjadi Justice Collabolator dengan demikian maka dia dapat dikurangi hukumannya.
            Kembali untuk mengomentari film ini oleh saudara Titah, dalam segi bahasa emang terlalu tinggi dan susah untuk dimengerti, karena memang bahasa hukum sedikit berbeda dengan bahasa Inggris dan translatornya tidak pasti orang hukum dan hal itulah yang menyebabkan banyaknya kata yang tidak sesuai dengan keadannya. Dalam film ini juga rasanya terlalu cepat klimaks, tidak ada pengantarnya terlebih dahulu.
            Adapun komentar dari Zidni dan Al tentang film ini yang diantaranya, Clyde melakukan hal demikian karena tidak ingin ketidak adilan yang diterimanya akan diterima juga oleh orang lain. Dan muncul pertanyaan mengenai sistem peradilan tawar menawar itu, apakah ada indikasi bahwa dalam sistem tersebut juga harus ada orang yang dirugikan? Dan hal itu diamini oleh beberapa peserta diskusi yang lain, karena sebenarnya dalam tawar menawarpun pasti akan ada pihak yang lebih diuntungkan.
            Peserta lain bernama Edo pun tidak ingin ketinggalan komentar, dia menanyakan sebenarnya itu ada dampak positifnya atau tidak? Dan apakah sejauh ini hal itu telah efektif? Dalam film ini sebenarnya dampak positif tidak terlalu diperlihatkan, namun apabila kita lihat lebih dakam lagi dampak positif itu ada seperti dapat terungkapnya kasus apabila minimnya alat bukti yang dapat dijadikan dasar tuntutan kepada tersangka, namun jangan sampai lupa juga ada dampak negatif dari hal tersebut antara lain timbulnya rasa ketidak adilan bagi korban.
            Berbicara mengenai efektif, penegakan hukum juga jangan melupakan 3 hal yang diantaranya dilihat dari sisi Yuridis, Filosofis, dan Sosiologisnya. Dan Riqi mencontohkan ketika jalan macet namun di sebelah kanan sangat lengang namun itu merupakan jalan forbiden, dengan hanya melihat sisi kemanfaatan polisi mengalihkan pengendara ke sisi kanan yang lengang itu namun dari sisi hukum itu adalah hal yang salah. Maka kesimpulannya, ketiga hal itu haruslah bersifat komulatif, tidak hanya menonjol pada satu sisi saja.
            Tresna mengomentari bahwa penegak hukum yang baik itu adalah penegak hukum yang memang tahu hukumnya. Dan hal yang serupa juga diamini oleh Almira yang berpendapat bahwa, untuk mendapatkan sistem hukum yang sebaik-baiknya maka harus melihat dari semua sudut pandang, dan tidak boleh menutup telinga terhadap siapapun juga, termasuk korban yang ditemukan pingsan padahal dia melihat, mendengar dan mengalami sendiri ketika Darby mengoyak keluarganya.
            Sampailah di akhir diskusi dengan kesimpulan bahwa ketika ingin mengubah sebuah sistem, maka kamu harus masuk ke sistem tersebut dan menjadi virus, setelah itu kamu mempengaruhi setiap segmen yang terlibat di dalamnya, maka niscaya sistem itu akan berubah seperti kehendakmu. Pesan dari pembicara, diskusi merupakan hal yang sangat baik. Hal ini tidak akan didapatkan sewaktu perkuliahan yang waktunya memang sangat minim. Penutup dari moderator “KEADILAN HARUS DITEGAKKAN WALAUPUN LANGIT RUNTUH”. SALAM ILMIAH!!!

Law Abiding Citizen (Review)

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Film “Law Abiding Citizen” berkisah tentang pembantaian terhadap keluarga Clyde Shelton. Istri dan anaknya dibunuh secara sadis. Dua pelaku pembunuhan itu -Clarence Darby dan Rupert Ames- akhirnya tertangkap dan dibawa ke meja hijau.
Darby adalah pelaku utama (deder) yang menikam pisau ke tubuh Clyde dan istrinya lalu membunuh anaknya sedangkan Ames hanya berperan sebagai medepleger (turut serta). Kasus ini ditangani oleh jaksa penuntut umum yang sedang naik daun, Nick Rice.
Rice kesulitan untuk mendapat bukti yang kuat untuk menjerat kedua pelaku tersebut dalam menangani kasus ini. Rice pun terpaksa melakukan bargaining dengan salah seorang terdakwa yaitu Darby karena jika tidak kedua tersangka mungkin akan bebas karena minimnya barang bukti (Hanya ada kesaksian dari Clyde namun saat ditemukan polisi dia dalam keadaan pingsan sehingga kesaksinnya diragukan, hal ini pun terkait dengan asas ‘satu saksi bukan saksi’ dalam hukum pidana). Berkas perkara Darby dan Ames memang dipisah dalam persidangan. Darby didaulat menjadi saksi mahkota (Justice Collaborator) dalam berkas perkara Ames. Alhasil, Ames dijatuhi vonis hukuman mati. Sedangkan Darby hanya divonis lima tahun penjara.
Dalam sebuah penanganan perkara, penggunaan saksi mahkota memang kerap dilakukan. Bila ada dua terdakwa atau lebih yang melakukan pembunuhan, berkas perkaranya dipisah dalam persidangan. Tujuannya agar masing-masing terdakwa 'diadu' untuk memberikan pengakuan dan kesaksian yang memberatkan satu sama lain. Inilah konsep saksi mahkota.
Praktik ini diikuti dengan plea bargain, yakni jaksa memberi tuntutan hukuman yang ringan bagi terdakwa yang berperan sebagai saksi mahkota. Praktik plea bargain memang sangat dikenal dalam criminal justice system di Amerika Serikat. 
Clyde tentu saja kecewa berat dengan hasil sidang pengadilan. Pasalnya, ia melihat dengan jelas bagaimana Darby menikam istri dan anaknya hingga tewas. Namun, hukuman yang diterima Darby hanya lima tahun penjara. Ia juga sangat kecewa dengan tindakan Rice karena sudah berulangkali diingatkan agar tidak melakukan bargaining dengan terdakwa.
Namun, Rice justru memberi alasan yang membuat miris dunia peradilan. “Beginilah sistem hukum dan peradilan kita bekerja,” ujar Rice. Ia beralasan, bila bargaining tidak dilakukan maka dua terdakwa justru akan divonis bebas. Meski Clyde yakin Darby melakulan pembunuhan, tetapi bukti-bukti yang ada tidak cukup kuat untuk membuktikan itu. Clyde harus menerima kenyataan bahwa hukum adalah pembuktian di ruang sidang.
Film ini semakin seru saat mengambil latar kejadian 10 tahun setelah penjatuhan vonis tersebut. Clyde mulai merancang sebuah peradilan jalanan sebagai ajang balas dendam. Darby dibunuh secara sadis. Tubuhnya dimutilasi hingga menjadi 25 bagian. Namun, ia melakukannya tanpa meninggalkan bukti apapun.
Waktu 10 tahun memang digunakan Clyde yang seorang insinyur untuk belajar hukum. Buku anotasi putusan-putusan Mahkamah Agung (MA) Amerika Serikat pun ia santap. Ia tahu betul hak-hak yang dimilikinya bila kelak menjadi tersangka atau pun terdakwa. Dan yang lebih penting lagi, ia paham bahwa terdakwa baru bisa divonis bersalah bila terdapat bukti-bukti yang cukup kuat. Clyde pun sangat tenang saat ditetapkan sebagai terdakwa. Rice kembali menjadi jaksa penuntut umum untuk kasus ini.
Clyde memang ditahan selama proses pemeriksaan. Namun, itu tak mengurungkan niatnya untuk terus melakukan pembunuhan. Sejumlah orang yang dianggapnya terlibat dalam penjatuhan vonis ringan terhadap pembunuh istri dan anaknya satu persatu mati terbunuh. Clyde memang cukup cerdas melakukan semua itu dari dalam tahanan. Karenanya, salah satu tagline film ini adalah “How do you stop a killer who is already behind bars?”
Rice yang menjadi pemegang kunci tanggung jawab terhadap serangkaian tindakan yang dilakukan oleh Clyde terus berupaya agar dapat menghentikan aksi pembunuhan itu. Batas kabur antara kejahatan dan kebaikan memang seringkali diangkat menjadi tema utama sebuah film. Karena walau bagaimanapun, good vs evil merupakan suatu hal yang sangat manusiawi. Semua orang memiliki kedua sisi tersebut dalam setiap tingkah lakunya. Kecintaan Clyde terhadap keluarga yang yang tewas karena dibunuh kemudian menumbuhkan rasa keinginan yang kuat untuk memperbaiki sistem peradilan  yang ada. Batas good vs evil ini kemudian menjadi kabur ketika perbuatan itu dianggap benar oleh Clyde
Apa pun endingnya, film ini memang sangat layak ditonton oleh masyarakat hukum sebagai sebuah kritikan terhadap sistem dan praktek peradilan. Terlebih lagi terhadap mereka yang  berprofesi sebagai jaksa penuntut umum yang kerap menggunakan saksi mahkota dan praktik plea bargain dalam mengungkapkan sebuah kasus.
Uniknya, di akhir film ini, Rice yang digambarkan sebagai jaksa yang cerdas mengaku kapok melakukan plea bargain dalam kasus pembunuhan. “Jangan pernah melakukan bargain dengan pembunuh!” katanya.

Rabu, 02 September 2015

KIYE LKHS 2015




29 Agustus 2015 LKHS telah berhasil melaksanakan salah satu proker dari divisi Pengkaderan, yakni KIYE LKHS yang bertujuan untuk memperkenalkan UKM LKHS kepada mahasiswa baru Fakultas Hukum Unsoed dan sebagai sarana untuk memperoleh informasi tentang mahasiswa baru dalam rangka mengajak mahasiswa baru untuk bergabung dengan  LKHS. Kegiatan tersebut dilaksanakan saat OSMB Fakultas Hukum Unsoed 2015 berlangsung dalam bentuk demo oral dan demo fisik.